There is something profoundly disturbing about watching Africans turn on Africans and then pretending to be surprised when it happens again. Because that is what this has become, not an isolated eruption of anger, not a sudden breakdown of order, but a pattern so familiar it now arrives almost on schedule. Shops looted, people chased, livelihoods destroyed, and then the usual cycle of condemnation, denial, and quiet forgetting. South Africa is once again at the center of it, but the discomfort does not belong to South Africa alone. It belongs to all of us who continue to watch, react, and then move on as though this is not a crisis of identity as much as it is a crisis of economics.
The convenient explanation is always the same: unemployment is high, inequality is deep, frustration is boiling over. All of that is true. But truth becomes dangerous when it is used selectively. Economic hardship does not automatically produce xenophobia. It produces anger, yes, but anger does not inherently know where to go. It is directed. It is shaped. And in South Africa, time and again, it is redirected away from systems that have failed and toward people who are simply visible, accessible, and vulnerable. It is easier to confront the Nigerian shop owner than to confront structural inequality. Easier to threaten a Zimbabwean worker than to demand accountability from those in power. Easier to burn what is within reach than to challenge what feels untouchable.
And so the lie takes root that foreigners are the problem, that they are taking jobs, that they are responsible for crime, that removing them will somehow restore balance. It is a lie that simplifies complexity and offers the illusion of control. But illusions do not build economies. They do not create jobs. They do not fix broken systems. What they do is create enemies where there should be none, turning neighbours into targets and communities into battlegrounds of misplaced resentment.
What makes this even more difficult to ignore is the historical contradiction at its core. South Africa’s freedom struggle was not fought in isolation. It was supported, materially and morally, by countries across the continent. There was a time when the idea of African solidarity was not just rhetoric but action. And yet today, that memory seems inconvenient, even irrelevant, as fellow Africans are treated as intruders in a land that once depended on their support. It is not just irony. It is amnesia.
But this is not just about South Africa’s failure to reconcile its past with its present. It is also about Africa’s failure to respond with anything more than performative concern. Governments issue statements. Leaders express disappointment. Social media erupts with outrage. And then, as always, the moment passes. There is no sustained pressure, no meaningful consequence, no collective stance strong enough to signal that this cannot continue. Silence, even when dressed as diplomacy, is still silence.
And perhaps that is the most uncomfortable truth of all, that this violence persists not only because it is carried out, but because it is tolerated. Not officially endorsed, but quietly absorbed into the rhythm of national life. Another incident, another reaction, another return to normal. But what kind of normal allows Africans to become unsafe in Africa? What kind of logic accepts that crossing a border within the same continent can turn a person into a target?
There is a deeper failure here, one that goes beyond policy and into identity. Pan-Africanism has long been celebrated as an ideal — a vision of unity, shared destiny, and collective progress. But ideals mean very little when they are not practiced under pressure. And this is pressure. This is the moment where unity is either tested or exposed as hollow. It is easy to speak of brotherhood when there is no strain. It is much harder when resources are tight, when opportunities feel scarce, when frustration is high. But that is precisely when the idea should matter most.
Instead, what we are seeing is fragmentation. A retreat into narrow definitions of belonging, where nationality overrides shared identity, and proximity becomes a threat rather than a connection. It is a dangerous shift, not just for South Africa, but for the continent as a whole. Once the idea takes hold that Africans can be outsiders in Africa, the foundation of regional integration, free movement, and economic cooperation begins to weaken.
And yet, despite all of this, the response remains predictable. Condemn the violence. Call for calm. Promise investigation. And then wait for it to fade. But it never truly fades. It lingers, unresolved, resurfacing whenever conditions allow. This is not a cycle that will break on its own. It will continue for as long as the underlying issues remain unaddressed and the consequences remain insufficient.
So the question is no longer whether xenophobia exists in South Africa. That is already answered. The real question is whether there is the political will, both within South Africa and across the continent, to confront it honestly and consistently. Not as an occasional problem, but as a structural one. Not as a public relations issue, but as a moral failure.
And until that happens, the pattern will repeat. The anger will rise. The targets will be found. The damage will be done. And once again, Africans will be forced to confront the uncomfortable reality that home, on this continent, is not always a place of belonging.
And that should concern all of us far more than it currently does.
Mawuko Fiati

